The bold, confident, free-thinking modern woman who may
soon occupy the White House is not named Kamala Harris.
In her new No.1 New York Times best-selling memoir, Melania
Trump shares a revealing look into her personal life
and journey - from a childhood in small-town Slovenia, to globetrotting
pursuits as a young model, to her courtship and marriage
to one of the world's most famous men.
She also corrects the record, challenges her critics
and clarifies her positions on a range of issues from abortion (she's pro-choice) to the inclusion of biological men in women's sports (female athletes must always
be 'protected and respected').
In fact, she sounds like many female voters grappling with the whiplash
changes wrought by Joe Biden and Kamala Harris's time in the White House.
The bold, confident, free-thinking modern woman who may soon occupy the White House
is not named Kamala Harris. (Pictured: Kellyanne with Donald and
Melania Trump at the White House in 2019).
'The country is suffering,' she writes. 'We have wars around the world...
The border is open and dangerous… a lot of fentanyl is coming over
and killing our youth…. The economy is really not great, inflation is high.'
I've known and worked alongside Melania for many years, and regard her as a friend.
She has been unfairly maligned and the target of so much speculation and prevarication. That is why it has been so wonderful to see her own 'October Surprise', a memoir in her own words on her own timeline, showing the measured,
magnanimous woman tens of millions of Americans adore.
Earlier this year, Melania and I lost our mothers just weeks apart.
Even as she navigated her loss in public view, Melania made every effort to be there for me.
She and President Trump called, sent flowers, handwritten notes and checked in with me time
and again.
After my divorce was finalized last year, Melania showed up again, supporting me as any caring friend would and encouraging me to swing open soldered doors following
a time of personal upheaval and transition.
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And it was the same story when we worked together in the White
House. While Jill Biden has insisted on being called 'Doctor', Melania
was admired and beloved by the political and permanent staffers
alike, asking after their children by name, welcoming
them to events big and small, and treating them with inclusivity and respect.
Known as a protective and present mother, Melania now
uses her memoir to call out the 'sheer malice' of unfunny comic Rosie
O'Donnell who, in 2016, tweeted despicable and totally unfounded claims about Barron, then aged 10.
It was just weeks after Trump had stunned the
world and won, and the same liberal media and Hollywood types, who perpetuated every vicious attack against him, reveled as O'Donnell's
vile lie wormed its way across social media.
It was a shock to see such naked cruelty towards a First Child, especially when so many of us had
treated Chelsea Clinton and the Obama daughters like Fabergé eggs.
Kids (including mine) should always be off limits.
I've known and worked alongside Melania for many years, and regard
her as a friend. (Pictured together in 2018
visiting Cincinnati Children's Hospital Medical Center).
Earlier this year, Melania and I lost our mothers just weeks
apart. Even as she navigated her loss in public view, Melania made
every effort to be there for me. She and President Trump called, sent flowers, handwritten notes and checked
in with me time and again. (Pictured: Together with
Trump in the White House in 2019).
But instead of going to war, Melania acted
swiftly and tenderly to shield her son. She channeled maternal outrage into a first lady's focus on initiatives
centered around children's wellness and cyberbullying awareness.
Her 'Be Best' campaign remains a highlight of her time in office.
Melania has never been one for preening and posturing.
Other first ladies used their roles to land on the cover of fashion magazines, but
she did so on her own, years before, as a successful model.
Even when I've suggested she push back on myriad false claims
made by the media or ungrateful former staffers who have returned her trust in them with self-serving lies
and revisionist history, she has declined, knowing that her silence is always more powerful.
Behind closed doors, Trump has, for decades, regarded his
wife as a top confidante and counselor. Whether as an international business mogul, a TV star
or, lately, leader of the free world, it is Melania's opinion that he has
consistently sought.
Trump enjoys the company of plenty of friends, taking a
range of advice, but he speaks of - and to -
Melania in an entirely unique way. Really, he fears yet reveres her.
He respects her independence, seeks her input, trusts
her keen eye, sharp ear and sense of people.
I have witnessed their relationship up close, and it is one fundamentally built
on mutual love and respect. Recently, as Barron was heading off for college and
Melania was preparing to publish her memoir, I jokingly asked Trump how
it might feel to be the second most popular man and the second most prominent
author in the household. He chuckled and relented.
Melania Trump has plenty to say and nothing to prove. She is not a typical political spouse rushing to the
cameras on matters that are best handled privately, or
loudly offering insights or slights about her husband's political opponents à la Hillary Clinton and Michelle Obama.
She is an asset, a partner, an equal who is neither trying to control - looking at you, Jill Biden -
nor controlled by her partner. She is what many feminists insist they are: independent, a product
of her own choices, comfortable in her own skin.
She has been by Trump's side the entire time. Though never in his shadow.
In fact, from that very first moment they descended the golden escalator,
she's been leading the way.
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Kamala Harris and Donald Trump are asking voter
to choose between an immigration crackdown and reproductive rights
As their race for the US presidency comes down to the wire, each major candidate has leaned heavily on a favorite theme -- abortion rights for Democrat Kamala
Harris and border security for Republican Donald Trump.
In Arizona, their ideological duel has reached a white-hot peak, with both topics the subject of fiercely debated ballot
referendums.
And in this key southwestern state -- where the billionaire Trump lost to President Joe Biden in 2020 by a tiny margin of about 10,500 votes -- every ballot truly
will count.
In the mid-sized city of Tucson, hundreds of volunteers in orange T-shirts were going door-to-door to try to persuade voters to back a ballot measure to inscribe abortion rights in the
state constitution -- and, while they're at it, to vote for
Vice President Harris.
To Grace Ireland, a 26-year-old activist, the abortion restrictions imposed by several Republican-controlled states amount to "a public health crisis that Donald Trump and the Republicans have created."
She added, "Democrats and Kamala Harris are trying to push us forward and protect women's health care and protect our democracy and protect all people."
Une pancarte barrée du slogan "L'indifférence aux élections est dangereuse", à Tucson, en Arizona,
le 16 octobre 2024
Since 2022, when the US Supreme Court ended the constitutional protection of federal abortion rights, Ireland, a registered nurse, has worked in several
states where abortion is banned or severely limited.
Those restrictions have had sometimes disastrous consequences for women having problem pregnancies or carrying nonviable
fetuses when doctors refuse to treat them.
"Women are going septic and dying because they cannot receive the care that they need," she told AFP.
- 'Abortion is murder' -
As Ireland carries her message to potential voters, she noted, particularly to young people who
may be less likely to vote, that it was Donald Trump who appointed the three justices who tipped
the Supreme Court against abortion rights.
Donald Trump lors d'un meeting à Tempe, en Arizona,
le 24 octobre 2024
"It's important to reiterate that Donald Trump and these abortion bans are one and the same," Ireland said.
But in Tucson there is little unanimity among young voters.
"I do think that abortion is murder," said Pedro Lopez,
a 20-year-old college student.
"There are cases of incest or rape" that merit exceptions, he conceded, "but that's very small."
He also worries about the flow of undocumented migrants that have entered
the country from Mexico during the Biden-Harris administration.
"People that are entering the United States illegally... should be sent back to where they came from," he said.
"My grandparents migrated from Mexico to the United States, and they did it the right way."
So he plans not only to vote for Trump, but to back the proposal
to let local law enforcement detain, arrest and prosecute anyone
suspected of having entered the country illegally -- powers normally reserved to the border police who work for the federal government.
"I know people that work for the Border Patrol, and they're really upset because this current administration has really tied their hands up. They're not really able to do anything," Lopez said.
- Mixed impact -
The major political parties see the competing referendums as offering an opportunity to
mobilize more people to vote -- on ballot questions at the very heart of the two presidential campaigns.
Anti-abortion activists demonstrate outside a clinic in Phoenix, Arizona on April 18, 2024
But the referendums may not have the clear impact on the race
for the White House that activists hope.
Polls show Trump and Harris running neck-and-neck in Arizona, with the Republican holding a very narrow
lead.
Both ballot questions, meantime, have drawn strong support
and both appear likely to pass.
So the abortion issue may not be "helping Democrats in the way that they would hope," said Jenny Brian, a
professor of bioethics at Arizona State University.
Many Republican women will vote both to protect
abortion rights and to bring Trump back to the White House, Brian said.
Though abortion is sometimes framed as a Democrat vs.
Republican issue, the Republican Party includes "a broad spectrum of views on the topic," an issue that also raises conservatives' concerns about "government interference," she added.
The same dynamic applies to immigration, with the tougher language on the
Arizona ballot question finding support not just among Trump Republicans but also
"moderates and even many Democrats," said John Kavanagh, a Republican and an Arizona state senator.
The 74-year-old Kavanagh is unimpressed by Harris's recent toughening on migration, specifically her promise to maintain the
partial closing of the border Biden ordered in recent months.
The vice president, Kavanagh said, is "running away faster from her open-border policy than an illegal immigrant that runs away from the Border Patrol."
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